Vera Graziadei

I'm a British Ukrainian Russian actress and writer.

On a cold grey London day, when the white thick clouds guard the Sun and melancholy looms in the air, threatening to penetrate into and capture sensitive minds, my own rebelling mind eagerly escapes far away into the past: Kerala, India, 2001.


And as I find myself on the Kovalum beach, my toes dug into soft white sand and the back burning from the scorching Sun, I turn my face not towards the Indian Ocean, to whom I owe much for once dissolving all my accumulated teenage anguish and pain, nor do I turn my gaze towards the Sun, the Burning Giant, to whom I’m also eternally indebted for reviving me many countless times, but I look towards the small fragile figures, hovering by the path, that runs along the coast. It’s in these figures – children of around the same age as my kids – that I seek my salvation on this gloomy morning.

And I’m not drawing out a metaphor, which calls for rejection of pantheism in favor of humanism. No, I openly state that in my life I’d like to make room for both – to find a balance between adoration and love for nature and for humans, and seek the gifts of both reason and of faith. No, what I’m searching for on this Kovalum beach is not an escape amidst abundant nature, which I often miss when in London, but for a particular quality of humanness, way of being, that I’m lacking myself and I believe most of us are lacking.

Looking at these little children, selling Indian handcrafts, produced locally by a company owned by a German millionaire, the capitalist mind, that divides the world into consumers and producers, haves and have-nots with all the associated figures, sees these young souls as an embodiment of nothing but cheap labour: they come from nothing, they have nothing and its this very same nothing that awaits them in the future.


Yet they are shining with the inner glow that you will rarely see in children of a rich megapolis like London – the Sun, brighter than the one in the sky, emanates from their open big bright smiles. In those smiles reflects the sheer joy of being alive, of being and of coming into contact with other beings. They greet you with the utmost openness, that I’ve never seen city kids capable of. Is it Indian friendly culture? Side effect of being brought up in the only socialist state of India, where 99% are literate and there’s basic equality?  Or is it the innocence of childhood unmarked by urban transgressions? Or just a simple fact of growing up close to the elements, the very same ones to which I’m turning my back now? Or combination of all these factors? Who knows. The fact is that their smiles for me are the representation of what we have lost in the West – joy of being, irrespective of what we have, and love and openness towards one another.


These children are now in their late teens and early twenties. Perhaps their brows are marked by adult worries. Perhaps, as one fisherman shared with me back then, as most kids from his picturesque Indian village, they eventually became too concerned with getting money to buy the latest phone or whatever other gadget is trendy in India now, and so they are not happy anymore with whatever little they have. Still. Standing on this shore of 2001, meditating on their happiness of that moment and learning from it, feels like a privilege. I send all my blessings to these beautiful beings wherever they are now, hoping that their inner Suns have not dimmed. And today, despite of whatever satisfaction I may have with the weather, natural or political, I will attempt to share some of their light, which glows brightly from the past all the way into the now, even if it will only be one open smile directed at a passerby, regardless of what party they voted for.

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This morning Human Rights Watch published its World Report 2015 on Ukraine in which it repeats claims from the US and Ukrainian authorities that the Ukrainian civil war is ‘an international armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine’, the only evidence for it cited is ‘the capture of Russian soldiers in Ukraine’, which supposedly ‘exposes Russian forces direct involvement in military operations’.

I’ve checked the report on Syria and despite evidence from Wikileaks that the U.S. secretly funded Syria’s opposition and that US-led NATO troops operated in Syria undercover, and a more recent news article that the “U.S. military has established a new command that will oversee operations in Syria” and the official announcement that the U.S. will deploy about 400 troops to Syria to train ‘moderate’ rebels, Human Rights Watch describes the conflict as that between ‘pro-government militias’ and ‘non-state armed groups.’ Predictably, US or NATO’s involvement is mentioned and it’s certainly not classified as ‘an international armed conflict between Syria and the US’, revealing HRW’s double standards.

Following the US State Department’s party line, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko told the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, on Wednesday that Russia had 9,000 troops in Ukraine and demanded their withdrawal. However, later the Chief of Ukrainian Army clearly stated that they do not have evidence of mass involvement of Russian forces in the conflict in Donbass, but instead they can only be sure of participation of individual volunteer Russian citizens within anti-Kiev battalions. Similarly, a Ukrainian Major and military expert confirmed that there are no Russian troops in East Ukraine. Same is confirmed by an OSCE representative and a number of independent journalists, which are operating in Donbass.

In short, the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine is not a proved fact, as no one has provided conclusive evidence for it anywhere, so why is Human Rights Watch presenting propagandistic allegations as fact, thereby fuelling international tension that could well end up in WWIII? The clue may come from the fact that since 2010 Human Rights Watch has been funded by George Soros, who admitted his responsibility in February 2014 coup and who openly called for war with Russia in the New York Review of Books and demanded that the EU funds Ukraine in their war effort. So have Human Rights Watch become a mouthpiece for their billionaire sponsor?

George Soros, the Wall Street speculator who was convicted and fined for insider trading by the European Court of Human Rights in 2002, “has built an empire out of obfuscating global criminal activity with the cause of “human rights.” In repeating unproved claims by their sponsors, Human Rights Watch are discrediting themselves, as a modern day network of imperial administrators, undermining national governments around the world and even promoting international armed conflicts between states.

(If you have any relevant information, which you think should be added to this, please leave it in the comments below)

Trip inside the ‘capital’ of the separatist East, recaptured by the troops of Kiev in July: Hospitals bombed and children without care

By Vauro Senesi, published in Il Fatto Quotidiano (Italian daily), Dec. 12, 2014. Translated by Roger Annis & Robin Monotti Graziadei for New Cold War.org.

Five hundred and fifty five kilometers. It takes more than six hours to cover the distance in the modern, high-speed train opened two years ago for the European Football Championship in Ukraine. Five hundred and fifty five kilometers is the distance between Kiev and Slavyansk. The capital of the war.

Slavyansk, June 2014, photo by Andrey Borodulin, Flkr Commons

Until just under a year ago, the superfast train traveled to Donetsk. That city is now partially destroyed by bombing. It is beyond Ukrainian lines. Unreachable. In the hands of the ‘enemy’.

Slavyansk, on the other hand, was recaptured in July. The sky is grey-cold. Grey is the color of the walls gutted by mortar and artillery, with empty sockets for windows. Grey are the huge piles of rubble scattered everywhere on the ground dotted by bomb craters. The greyness is broken only by the black silhouettes of twisted and burnt trees. It is the landscape of reconquest. In this silent desolation there is only the sound of flocks of crows that come to rest on the debris.

Debris, craters, burnt trees is all that remains of what was the largest hospital in the city. Razed to the ground by the blows of the Ukrainian army. “The hospital was evacuated”, explains a lady who collects funds for the Ukrainian army. “It was bombed because it served as a control center of the rebels.”

It seems absurd that to ‘free’ the city, the ‘liberators’ didn’t hesitate to destroy vital structures–hospitals, schools, power plants. But the siege of Slavyansk consisted precisely of this, closing access routes to the city and, after destroying its facilities and infrastructure, blocking the arrival of any supplies—from military equipment to food and health supplies–placing fighters and civilians in the same stranglehold.

“One doesn’t see the internally displaced people. They are there but few in number … but the situation is evolving in these very hours … I told you, yesterday we were invited to a ‘Neighbourhood assembly’, one of the most bombed. They are pissed off because these rebels shoot mortars from the streets where people live, then shelling from the Ukrainian army falls in response, causing damage, injuries etc. The discontent is now visible. People do not want war. ”

These were the words in a text message sent by Andrea Rocchelli to Damiano Rizzi of the NGO Soleterre in May, at the beginning of the Ukrainian counteroffensive. This was almost certainly his last testimony. On the 24th of that same month, Andrea and his interpreter, the Russian journalist Andrei Mironov, were killed by mortar fire in a ditch where they had sought refuge after the car they were traveling on had been targeted by gunfire. Mortar shells fired from the same hill which then bombed the hospital. “People do not want war …”. But how much weight has the voice of ordinary people in this clash sought by great powers and rich oligarchies? And most of all, who listens to it?

Map showing Slavyansk

The road that from Slavyansk leads to Artjomovsk [Artemivsk], just behind the front lines, runs straight across a plain between fallow fields and birch trees. The ground is frozen. The ice has covered everything from strands of dry grass to thinner sprigs of trees. In a van driven at breakneck speed by Ghennadj, the driver, we cross a panorama of crystal. Ghennadj drives fast because he fears incursions of “separatists” infiltrated inside Ukrainian lines. After the first checkpoint, made ​​of large concrete blocks and sandbags and manned by cold militiamen armed with Kalashnikovs, the race resumes. The streets are deserted in Artjomovsk. Here and there are burnt houses. Gunshots echo now and again in the distance.

We stop at the entrance bar of the military hospital, obeying the “halt” of a bearded giant in camouflage. In fact, this was the civil hospital, but an entire wing has been requisitioned by the army for first aid to the wounded soldiers that arrive each day from the front line that is twenty, thirty kilometres away–the distance depends, because the lines are very fluid and uncertain.

The big bearded man is called Nicolaj. We discover that before enlisting, he was an interior designer. It is he who escorts us inside the hospital. Narrow stairs, semi-dark corridors, stretchers and boxes of medicines here and there, the smell of sweat and disinfectant. Even the hallways are narrow and crowded, we hardly manage to squeeze through nurses with dirty uniforms and militiamen with guns and hand grenades hanging from their shoulders.

The bulk of Nicolaj who shows the way is of great help. On the floor are backpacks and helmets. There are only two beds. In one lies Alexiej, just over twenty years old. He has a broken leg. “A stupid accident”, he says. “I rolled over the truck I was driving. It’s my fault, I did something stupid,” he says. Alexiej is almost ashamed that his is not a real war wound.

Sitting on the other bed is an older man, over fifty. He’s wearing his camouflage and his rubber boots. He is absorbed and quiet, looking ok. A few hours ago, instead, he was hit in the left arm by a bullet fired from an automatic weapon, just below the shoulder. He was lucky. A few centimetres to the right and the bullet would have struck his heart. It has just been extracted. Vassilj rummages in his pocket and shows it to us. “I’ll hang it on a chain around my neck as a good luck charm,” he says with a smile. Then he shows us the entrance hole on his arm. He does it without emphasis, without emotion. As though it was not he who was shot but another.

And it is others that Vassilj is thinking about. Pointing to Alexiej, he says, “…in my case, I’ve already lived a large part of my life…” Vassilj has a small transport company, a wife and two children. They won’t know that he is wounded. “…but these guys? The war is stealing their present, the best years of their lives.”

Vassilj does not like the war.”I was hoping that President Poroshenko would open peace negotiations … There must be a way out of this crisis without continuing to kill each other.” But instead, he concludes bitterly, “We are still here. I will stay there as long as need be.”

Vassilj boasts that he has never fired a shot. “I look after mines and unexploded devices. I prefer to save lives rather than take them from others.”

Nicolaj, Alexiej, Vassilj and the young doctor, Natalja–bundled up in a bulky uniform too big for her—arrived here recently. She already shows on her face the signs of fatigue and confusion.

Serghej gives me the phone number of his sister living in Rome: “Just tell her that I am well, please”.

Other soldiers and militiamen whose names I don’t know wear weapons, boots and camouflage uniforms that resemble those worn by many of the boys who were in Maidan Square in Kiev. In their faces, there is no trace of the exaltation and fanaticism of the ‘patriots’ of the capital. Their faces show resignation, bitterness and the sad exhaustion impressed by the daily experience of the horror of war.

Andrej sparks fear. His uniform is sleek; he is squat and sturdy, his skull shaved, shiny as his uniform. He smokes Russian cigarettes, black, inside a long, golden mouthpiece. “Do you want to see the children?” he asks us. What children, we ask? We don’t understand.

“The orphans of Donetsk. Those who already had no parents and those who have lost them in the war. I bring them to Artjomovsk because they are safer here. Donetsk is bombarded continuously. There are separatists there.” And the separatists allow you to enter the city and take the kids? He shrugs. “Well, they have hearts, too.”

We follow Andrej’s car. A sports car, with the license plate concealed by strips of tape. Andrej must be an official of some description because at checkpoints no one stops us.

The orphanage is located in a single storey building, not far from the center of Artjomovsk. Three steps and we’re across the threshold. We are received by two women dressed as nurses. “There are 50 children, up to 4 years of age here. I brought 26 of them myself, “says Andrej.

From behind a closed door we hear children’s voices, the sobs of a crying child. That door won’t open. “No. The children can’t be seen”. The oldest nurse is adamant. “You need a permit. You do not have permission.”

We’re leaving Artjomovsk, following the car with the covered license plate of the mysterious Andrej, who will get us through the checkpoints easily. In our ears and hearts are the voices and the crying of the invisible children. Invisible like the children of all wars.

 

Foros Yacht House by Robin Monotti Architects, 2012 Photograph © Andrei Yagubskiy

“Architectural Crimea”: Foros Yacht House by Robin Monotti Architects, 2012
Photograph © Andrei Yagubskiy

Zodchestvo, the Annual International Festival of Architecture and Design, the largest events of its kind in Eastern Europe, provides a unique opportunity to get an insight into the current state of architecture and urban planning in Russia, covering all regions from St.Petersburg to Khabarovsk. Now in its 22nd year, it takes place in Moscow with the support of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, the Federation Council and the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, the Russian Ministry of Culture, the Moscow Government, the International Union of Architects, the International Academy of Architecture, the Russian Academy of Architecture and Construction Sciences, the Ministry of Regional Development of the Russian Federation, public organizations and business communities of Russia.

This year was special not only because the festival was dedicated to the 100th Anniversary of the Russian Avante-Garde, but also because it had a newcomer – Crimea. The little peninsula, which this year voted in a controversial referendum to be independent  from Ukraine and then to be re-united with Russia, was represented at the festival as a ‘special project’, curated by Alexei Komov and Nikolai Vasiliev. I caught up with them both to talk about the significance of the presence of their Pavilion at the festival, how they see Crimea’s further development and the effect of sanctions.

The Crimean Architecture pavilion is divided into three interlinking parts, dedicated to the last 100 years of development. “Master” examines the history of the pre-war soviet architecture by Boris Belozerskiy.”Environment” presents a retrospective of Soviet resort architecture between 1920-1980s and the last part “Panorama” shows the most representative buildings and projects of the last five years.


Vera GraziadeiAlexei, please tell me about your Pavilion and its goals.

Alexei Komov: Our exhibition is not about mega-projects, not about Kerch bridge that will connect Russia and Crimea, not about projects for projects sake, but it’s an exhibition about heritage and resources – natural and human, the authors of which are people, past and present, and the goal of our stand is to represent the Crimean Architecture School, which exists on this ice floe that finally sailed back to us. We wanted to show that Crimean development should rely on the professionals who already exist in Crimea and we want to establish a communication link between these people and the Russian establishment. Also, we wanted to expose the history of Crimean architecture, that there is not only the Swallow’s nest, but also Sanatorium “Jubilee” in Evpatoriya, for example.

Unlike regional stands, the content of which was ultimately decided by regional administrations and governments, we had full freedom of deciding what to include. For the ‘Panorama’, we could have just chosen projects, which seemed most striking to us. However, we took a different path – we delegated the selection of projects to The Union of Young Architects and the Union of Architects of Crimea , thereby giving Crimean Architects a chance of identifying themselves, rather than having Moscovites doing it for them. We wanted the Crimean Atlantes, which have been sleeping for a long time, to wake up and identify themselves.

Crimeans started a process by voting in the referendum, but what they need to do next is less clear to them. They need ideas for development, which is why I’m going to Crimea as a Chief Architect of Evpatoriya – in order to re-start and fine-tune their cogwheels, which have been buried in moss for many years and which now need to be dug out and cleaned – reminded how they used to be a part of a larger mechanism. I often say that many Crimeans are watching a film about life through their windows, instead of living it. For example, many Evpatorya inhabitants’ perception of  their city doesn’t extend beyond their own backyard, which every summer fills up with tourists, like herrings in a can. Beyond their gate – there is space, which has to be managed by Martians, who will fly in to build them a bridge, etc. People, who are watching life through a window are not part of a civic society, so our developmental projects are also concerned with coordinating people into socially cohesive groups.

Another goal is setting a direction for the development of culture and fighting corruption. During Soviet times, Crimea used to be on a much higher level – there were sanatoriums, with their cultural and health programmes, but in the last 23 years Crimean culture has fallen. It’s petty salesmen who are providing the entertainment – they make direct profit from satisfying people’s animalistic reflexes – they sell shashlyk and “Crimea is Ours” t-shirts, play loud music, while providing billiard tables, in short, they offer, what I call, “cattle-vacation” (bidlo-otdih). Unlike Evpatoriya’s inhabitants, these guys have a very strong sense of community, they are self-organised and, as far as they are concerned, the city is theirs. These small mercenaries are unprincipled, they forgot how to follow laws and they operate on the basis of nepotism and corruption, of a level even unimaginable to Russians, who have seen their fair share of corruption. These people are not so enthusiastic about re-joining Russia and they will resist any changes. It will be difficult to re-organise these people and penalties will be necessary to encourage them to obey laws.

Nikolai Vasiliev: The problem is not only corruption, but also an attitude and belief that without these informal relationships nothing can be achieved. There is a whole generation, which have seen people arriving from Kiev, Dnepropetrovsk, Moscow and who have just been grabbing the land for building something for themselves. Nothing was done for Crimeans and with Crimeans, not to mention by Crimean themselves. So now they have lost belief that they can do something by themselves without external help.

VG: Could you tell me more about developmental projects in Crimea and  whether sanctions will have an effect on them.

AK: Different cities and towns around Crimea have different programmes. At the moment, Evpatoriya is popular, not only because of us, but also because of plans for the new airport and new university, as Sevastopol and Simferopol are too overcrowded and have nowhere to develop. Also development of a “Silicon Valley” is planned somewhere in the triangle between Evpatoriya, Simferopol and Sevastopol. By the way, some US IT specialists will be taking part in it, irrespective of sanctions.

Evpatoriya is not just a tourist zone, it has so much potential. There was a factory called Vimpel, which used to produce one of the first soviet electronic games called “Nu pogodi!”, where a wolf was catching eggs. It’s a huge brand, which could attract a whole festival of video gamers. This could tie in to the development of “Silicon Valley” – you could say it started with the Vimpel factory. Then there’s a large aviation-repair factory and Space Centre, which has been shut to the public, but needs to re-open. Finally, Evpatoriya is a Little Jerusalem, where all religions co-exist, where children celebrate every day holidays of different religions – Muslims, Karaims, Dervishes, Christians, Jews. This is a city of the future.

Federal money, which is now given to the development of Crimea is not simply for building some projects there, but also to start off mechanisms of self-sufficiency. Sanctions will not change anything. On the contrary, sanctions will help us achieve this goal, as people will wake up and start thinking of alternative ways of making money, aside from just hiring our their homes to tourists. It’s a real problem that many Crimeans’ official jobs get a meagre salary after years of work, but they receive their real income from hiring their property, often unofficially. We need to change this situation, we need to create manufacturing, which will be profitable and image-making for Crimea and Evpatoriya.

Crimea was under Ukraine for 23 years. If you take the history of the Soviet Union – so much has happened, lets say, between 1917 and 1940 – so much was built, so many styles were developed, so many events have happened. In this last period in Crimea there was a complete stagnation. One of the strongest impressions I ever got was when I visited a museum of Uralmash factory, in what used to be Sverdlovsk or present-day Ekaterinburg. In the late 20s – early 30s there was a period of industrialisation. Within four years people built not only a town, but this huge factory in the middle of a forest. A full cycle factory – where a wagon with iron ore comes in at one end and a tractor comes out of the other end. All of this happened during the time, when Trotsky said, ‘we are a country surrounded by enemies’, we need to develop from the inside.” Sanctions for us are heavenly grace, as they will encourage us to do just that.

Evpatoriya’s architecture boom happened in 1914, at the beginning of the first world war when all the health resorts in Europe closed down, so people paid attention to themselves and started investing money not abroad, but into their own country, developing their own resources. All of the later health resorts that were built, like Druzhba, were only possible in a large Soviet country like the USSR, closed from everyone else, without all the Sharm-el-Sheikhs. Soviet people used to go only to Crimea or Yurmala. My grandfather never left the country, but he was a happy person. An absolutely happy person.

Objectively speaking, Western sanctions have a very positive effect on our country and on Crimea. We were plugged into the Matrix and now we are slowly exiting it – it’s painful, it’s unpleasant, but it’s inevitable. We need to start developing manufacturing and IT. New industrialisation needs to happen, as well as the development of new tourism. We have so many amazing beautiful places that need to be developed – Baikal, Kamchatka, Great Novgorod, Kubachi, Krasnoyarsk, Angara, Tyanshan, Volga, Yaroslavl, the Arctic Circle.

We should stop putting on make-up to make someone else like us and start growing from within, spiritually. The ultimate nightmare of ‘anti-Russian liberals’ is that the reds will make a pact with the whites – if fans of pre-1917 Russia will join forces with fans of post-revolutionary Russia – because both of these groups love their country, they are all patriots. Then, when the metaphorical civil war between them will end, we will finally start dealing with ourselves and developing our own country.

 

Crimean Pavilion with some of its participants, including Alexei Komov (second left)

Crimean Pavilion with some of its participants, including Alexei Komov (second left)

 

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Ramil Zamdykhanov in Donetsk and Vera Graziadei in London. 

A few months ago Donetsk was a vibrant, thriving and ambitious city. Hosting the European football championship in 2012 coincided with the peak of its hopes for world recognition. Today it stands partially destroyed, sad, hopeless and fearful for its future. The European metropolis of one million people now has around 80% of its previous population – mainly working classes; wealthier people, who could afford it, left the city in order to escape the war. Donetsk has become a centre of the Ukrainian conflict, after the Kiev government announced an ‘anti-terrorist operation’ (ATO) against ‘pro-Russian separatists’ in mid-April 2014.

Social life in public places is now almost non-existent – aside from one or two entertainment establishments, such as the Opera House. Most theatres, cinemas, cafes, bars and clubs are closed and many shops and businesses boarded up their windows. The curfew, which was announced in summer, is still not cancelled, and even though there are rumours that one night club is functioning – the streets are empty at night. By day, there are no traffic jams in Donetsk anymore and ‘camouflaged armed men walk where shoppers and businessmen once strolled’. But not everywhere is quiet, depending on where you are –  an occasional cannonade could be heard or even continuous explosions.

Each shelling and shooting incident is still seen in the city as an unfortunate accident or state of emergency. People have resigned themselves to the fact that there are several ‘armed conflict zones’, for example, near the airport or near Karlovka/Maryinka, where adjacent still-populated civilian quarters are bearing the brunt. Even though it is morally totally unacceptable, amongst Donetsk residents it is now if not fully accepted, then at least expected. However, now and again, shells and bombs fall on central civilian areas, that are nowhere near the usual fighting zones, e.g. for no apparent reason central Gladkovka area of Donetsk was shelled, when the Local History Museum was destroyed.

More than 4,300 people have been killed in Donetsk and Lugansk since April and according to the UN an average of 13 have died every day since a formal ceasefire was agreed in Minsk. All deaths are terrible, but some are particularly gruesome, such as the death of a 12-year old boy in Donetsk on 27th November, who was blown apart by a shell and was only identified by his textbooks, as all that was left of him was a pile of meat. These incidents shake not only Donetsk civilians, but also the rest of the sympathising world, to its core. 

Both sides of the conflict blame each other for civilian casualties and given that most Ukrainian soldiers and self-defence militias speak the same language (mainly Russian) with the same accent and use the same weapons, it’s not easy to determine who’s responsible for civilian casualties. There are ‘witnesses’ that emerge to produce conflicting evidence and Human Rights Watch, Amnesty and OSCE all reported both sides as guilty of the use of indiscriminate weapons, but more often than not it’s the Ukrainian side, which is responsible for shelling residential areas, while separatists are blamed for situating their weaponry there.

As a journalist from Odessa reported from within the Kiev’s forces‘ frontline, the Ukrainian artillery aims at Donetsk randomly or as a Ukrainian soldier summarised: “Shooting in the direction of separatists, but then… who knows how the cards will fall.” However, even when there’s an irrefutable evidence of Ukraine breaking international humanitarian law, such as recent Human Rights Watch’s report of Ukraine’s wide-spread use of cluster bombs (which are banned by most countries excluding Ukraine and USA), Poroshenko still attempts to dismiss evidence as ‘Russian propaganda’.

So far Poroshenko avoided a declaration of war or martial law (that would have undermined the legitimacy of the presidential and parliamentary elections, both of which were lavished with praise by Western politicians). Both Kiev and their supporters continue referring to a so-called ‘Russian invasion’, even though the International Committee of the Red Cross described the events in the Donbass region as a “non-international armed conflict, and many western journalists, OSCE representative and even a brave Ukrainian Major and military expert confirmed that there are no Russian troops in East Ukraine. Kiev consistently refuses to admit that they have launched a civil war against their own population, treating 8 million Donbass civilians like terrorists, second-rate citizens or even non-humans, simply because they have decided to exercise their right to self-determination.

There is no law in the Ukrainian constitution which says that a person who votes in a pro-independence referendum should face the death penalty. Cancelling pensions and other state benefits, which Kiev has done recently, on the basis of someone living in an area together with many people who have separatist sentiments is equivalent to sentencing those people to slow death by starvation. Even serial killers, by Ukrainian law, have the right to life, but Donbass pensioners, who may even have participated in a referendum,  irrespective of whether they are politically illiterate or even very politically aware and who may be convinced that Donbass should be independent, are denied their right to life. Having cut their pensions, Kiev offered them no support to reallocate to other parts of Ukraine and survive. People simply do not have the means to move elsewhere. For many people state benefits, however meagre, are their only source of income. This winter will be tough for those people and even if there won’t be thousands dead, even if only 10 people will die from undernourishment or even one, it will still be a tragedy for which the Kiev government will be responsible.

Aside from cutting off state benefits, Poroshenko stopped all monetary transactions and banking services, leaving millions unable to withdraw cash or even use cards to access their savings. The Ukrainian Army keeps targeting water, wastewater, and power plants in order to damage the electricity, water and heat supply to Donetsk and Lugansk regions’ and in the winter months this could lead to people freezing to death. Medical staff and teachers have not been paid for months and hospitals and schools are operating on a volunteer basis. Medical drugs are still available, but prices have gone up almost two-fold, as a result of hryvnia devaluation. Food is available, but just like with medicines, some people will not be able to pay for it, now that their accounts are blocked and benefits are cancelled. Finally, trains will no longer operate between Ukraine and Donbass, thereby not only inconveniencing the already impoverished population, but impairing deliveries of industrial cargo, as well as food and other goods. Please note that so far Russia and Akhmetov’s Fund have been the main providers of humanitarian aid to Donbass, but they cover only 10% of humanitarian necessities. 

Before these events, the Ukrainian side could still claim that shells and Grads falling on Donbass civilians were ‘unfortunate accidents’, which were ‘inevitable’ as they were trying to liberate the country from ‘terrorists’ and ‘Russian invaders’. However,  the stopping of the pensions, blocking of bank accounts, transport links and energy supplies are evidently not coincidences, but conscious decisions to isolate Donbass from the Ukrainian infrastructure, while still claiming it as Ukraine’s territory. All of the above measures would be justifiable, if Poroshenko openly said: “Dear citizens, the Russian Federation have invaded Donbass, Ukraine cannot withstand this aggression, and therefore we announce Donbass to be an occupied territory. And as it’s not Ukrainian land anymore, we cannot guarantee or control anything that happens on it. We are renouncing our responsibilities in that region, but we will do everything we can to help civilians to evacuate themselves”. No such statements were ever made.

On the contrary, Kiev’s socio-economic blockade reveals the real attitude of Kiev’s government: Donbass’ land with all of its resources is valuable to Ukraine and its western supporters, but the people, who inhabit that land are not only of no value to Ukraine, they are a hindrance to be eliminated. The government of a country, which calls itself European and harbours hopes of one day joining the EU, is consciously creating a humanitarian disaster in an area, where people have different political beliefs.

What exactly is Kiev trying to achieve with all these inhumane extreme measures and how effective will they be? Firstly, Ukraine is trying to create impossible-to-live-in conditions, forcing defiant people to either move or die, thereby reducing the numbers of a ‘pro-Russian electorate’. Secondly, they are trying to create a state of chaos, where hungry and angry people will turn against Donbass authorities. Thirdly, there is a more simple and banal explanation – Ukraine’s economy is faltering and something needs to somehow cover its deficit. Withholding state benefits, saved Kiev $2.6 billion, as well as helping the leadership gain extra points with the Ukrainian nationalists, who believe that ‘anyone who’s not pro-united Ukraine is an enemy and deserves death.” 

Both governments of the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics are far from ideal – they are mainly military men, not that experienced in political and economic matters. They make many mistakes, e.g. the most recent propaganda campaign to encourage the population to demand pensions from Kiev does nothing but undermines their own authority. If they have announced themselves a government, then they should assume all the governmental responsibilities, including provision of state benefits (which should have been planned following the May referendum). However, majority of Donetsk and Lugansk civilians are very well aware who is shelling them and who is trying to create a humanitarian catastrophe on their land. The amoral and aggressive position of Kiev towards them gives a trust boost to the LNR and DNR authorities, and Donbass governments should make every attempt to not betray this trust. In other words, Kiev is achieving opposite of what they would like – they are strengthening the support for the LNR and DNR, who even despite their inexperience, hold a much higher moral ground in the eyes of the majority of the remaining Donbass citizens. Though of course, there are people who believe that the troubles will stop as soon as LNR and DNR will leave.

The reality is that LNR and DNR will not be defeated easily. Just as NATO provides military help to Ukraine, there are many claims Russia is helping self-defence forces. Russia didn’t support a violent overthrow of power in a territory bordering the US such as for example, Mexico: it was the US, with EU support, that decided to meddle in the zone of geopolitical importance to Russia. Openly aiding a pro-NATO government get to power through violence near Russia’s borders is a provocation, which can result in a third world war with devastating consequences for the entire world.

If rockets are positioned near Belgorod they can reach Moscow in 20 minutes this leaves Russia in a situation of threat and significantly lowers their bargaining power in world politics. The Maidan people and their western supporters, who thought that they can just pull Ukraine out of Russia’s geopolitical sphere of influence without any prior agreement with Russia were overly optimistic. In the world of cynical dirty politics, the US have the right to just bomb nations which ‘threaten US security’, yet, however, there was an assumption that Putin will be too busy with winter Olympics to worry about his obligation to protect 150 million people of the largest country in the world. He was hardly going to come on the Red Square to shed tears in front of his voters, because Klitschko and Turchynov ‘cheated’ on him.From its beginning the conflict in Donbass should not have been addressed using military means. In 2004, during the Orange Revolution there was a similar situation – there was a kind of Maidan, which won, but the first thing that Timoshenko did was to fly to Donetsk to negotiate with Akhmetov. Even though the content of their discussion is not known, it did prevent any further conflict escalation, even though tensions were high. What happened in the spring of 2014 is that a self-proclaimed government, which came to power via a violent coup (i.e. illegitimate means, using the force of extremist nationalists) gathered in the Rada and the first thing they did is to defiantly cancel the special status of Russian language – a law, which didn’t make much difference practically, but which carried an important symbolic meaning for Donbass.

Originally that law was invoked by the Party of the Regions to please their electorate. They couldn’t make it a second national language, because they would need 300 out of 450 votes in Parliament, which they would never get, but as they made some promises to their electorate about the issue of the Russian language, they managed to pass this special status law. In the summer 2013, when the law was passed, the pro-Ukrainian electorate began a ‘language Maidan’ in Kiev, but it didn’t gather wide support and nothing came out of it. So when the new self-proclaimed Kiev government threatened to cancel the law, over which there’s been so many tensions in the past, many East Ukrainians, who had witnessed the russophobia and violence of Euromaidan in horror and saw the government they had elected run from its responsibilities, feared that the new government would be doing whatever they please against the Russian speaking population. This is what led to the initial Donbass civilian protests and Kiev should have negotiated with the leaders of the movement, rather than assume an arrogant position of ‘non-negotiation’ and reckless implementation of military force.

The longer this senseless war, which should not have been started in the first place, will last, the more hate will be bred between West and East Ukrainians, the more people will die, the more tensions will rise between Russia and the West. This war should be stopped as soon as possible and there should be international pressure on both sides of the conflict to observe a new ceasefire. On Tuesday 2nd December, a truce was agreed for Donetsk airport and a ceasefire announcement starting from 5th December was made for the Lugansk province, but the agreement fell apart within hours. A new truce was announced beginning on 9th December with an agreement that Ukraine would begin withdrawing heavy weapons from the eastern frontline on December 10 – as long as the other side also observed the truce.

There is little hope that this ceasefire will be effective and long-lasting without successful negotiations between Kiev and Lugansk/Donetsk People’s Republics. Lifting the economic blockade as a measure to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe and the question of federalisation should be the main topics of these negotiations. After all that has happened in the last year Ukraine as a unified centralised nation would not lead to any stability. Donbass residents have totally lost faith in Kiev’s government, and there is a tense atmosphere of hate and contempt between them and West Ukrainians. The inhabitants of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions are well aware that not only there isn’t a Ukrainian peace movement trying to stop the civil war or socio-economic blockade, but there are many West Ukrainians who actively support the ‘killing of separatists’. This amoral thinking that ‘territories are eternal values, while people are a secondary and dispensable resource’, has led to civil war, widening the long-existing divisions between West and East Ukrianians. This divide will take decades to re-bridge again and federalisation can significantly help to dimish these tensions. Some western politicians, like Germany’s vice-chancellor Simar Gabriel, already backed federalisation in Ukraine, as they see it as an important step towards peace. If other western leaders are serious about peace in Ukraine, they should do the same.

Unfortunately, like with any war, there’s always someone who benefits from it, so even the news about a new ceasefire, which gave a glimmer of hope, were followed  by intense shelling over the weekend of 6-7 December. Donetsk City Administration website published that ‘ the whole evening of 7th December and night of 8th December, the sounds of bursts and explosions did not stop’, which left 10 peaceful civilians dead and 13 wounded. The morning of 8th December the situation was reported as ‘relatively peaceful’ – there was even a Christmas Tree mounted on the central Lenin Square. However, whether Donetsk civilians will be able to celebrate their New Year and Christmas in peace depends largely on what will happen on the day of the negotiation between the Kiev and Donetsk/Luganks leaders.

When a wave of protests started in Russia in response to the 2011 legislative election process, dissident Alexey Navalny, along with many other protesters, argued that ‘in a fair election Putin would be defeated.’  Latest poll findings from the independent Levada Centre prove that if  ‘a fair election’ was held today, Putin would come out an indisputable winner. Public support for Putin’s political actions has reached 88%, a stratospheric percentage, when compared to 48% of Americans that approve of Obama’s job performance and meagre 29% of Brits that approve of Cameron-Clegg coalition. The chances of the “Snow Revolution” reviving any time soon are slim, as Russians’ propensity to protest has gone down to a historic low, only comparable to 2000, when Putin first came to power. If things continue like this, Ben Judah might have to re-write the unhappy ending of his romance story “How Russia fell in and out of love with Vladimir Putin” into a happy one.

To many westerners, who are used to seeing Putin either airbrushed with Hitler’s moustache or with make-up on against a rainbow backdrop, these Levada poll results will be confusing, if not alarming. There is only one thing, which is worse than an evil dictator – it’s an evil dictator, who’s backed up by his nation’s majority. And even worse still – an evil dictator, backed up by a majority, who are brain-washed by a ‘zombie-box‘, controlled by that dictator. In case you are panicking, not knowing how to protect yourself against this Demon, who represses at home and aggresses abroad, don’t worry – George Soros has thought of a strategy on your behalf: “All available (EU) resources ought to be put to work in the war effort (in Ukraine) even if that involves running up budget deficits”. Needless to say, George didn’t offer to chip in himself, but we should all tighten our austerity belts, unless we want to see Russian armies marching through Ukraine and all the way to Warsaw and beyond.

By now Russian people must be used to all the open calls to war, hysteria, hypocrisy and double standards applied to their country by western politicians and media. Even before the Ukrainian war started, Russia was bashed for gay rights, following its controversial law on gay propaganda to minors , culminating with major world leaders snubbing the Winter Olympics altogether. Barak Obama was one of the leaders who refused to come to Sochi, explaining: “I have no patience for countries that try to treat gays or lesbians or transgender persons in ways that intimidate them or are harmful to them.” This impatience clearly doesn’t apply to the 13 US states that have “Crimes Against Nature” statute, outlawing sodomy between consenting adults. Nor does it prevent the US president from continuing their ‘long history of friendship” between Washington and Saudi Arabia, where homosexuals are executed.

These hypocrisies and double standards must be truly frustrating for Russian people to witness. Russia is not amongst the ten countries, where homosexuality may be punished by death, like Qatar, where despite the truly draconian law on gays, the 2022 FIFA World Cup will be held. Homosexuality is not banned in Russia like it is in 79 countries worldwide, including 40 commonwealth countries with whom the West is more than happy to deal with. Yes, Russian society is conservative and favours ‘traditional’ family values, but so are most other countries in the former Soviet bloc, where homophobia is as much of an issue, but which are not criticised for it as much.

For example, US and EU-backed Kiev has recently seen an attack against the gay club Pomada (Lisptick), the oldest movie theatre Zhovten went up in flames during a LGBT film screening, while the Minister of Internal Affairs Avakov declared that his party “People’s Front” will only enter into coalition with ‘democracy forces, not queer ones.’ Western politicians and media are turning a blind eye to these statements and attacks, as the Ukraine with their US-puppet government is their ally, but if similar events occurred in Russia, the western media would instantly use these news as a stick for bashing.

While most Russian people I know are not homophobic at all, some Russians could use an anti-gay card as a way of differentiating themselves from people in the West, especially now when they feel shunned and prejudiced against by the western world (which is why aggressive condemnation and confrontation of Russia over gay rights is counter-productive) However, when coming face-to-face with gays, these very same people will be tolerant, if not fascinated by them.  In the public sphere, many Russian celebrities are openly gay, like Boris Moiseev or Diana Arbenina, or are in drag, like Verka Serdyuchka, and one should watch the recordings of their live concerts on Youtube to see how much they are accepted and adored by their Russian audiences.

Unfortunately, homophobic attacks do happen in Russia, but it is a problem endemic to most of the world. We all have a perception that British society is much less prejudiced towards gay people, but a 2013 report by Stonewall revealed that one in six lesbian, gay and bisexual people in the UK had been the victim of a homophobic hate crime or incident in the previous three years. This month Welsh referee Nigel Owens “revealed he has considered quitting the sport because of an increasing level of homophobic abuse in stadiums and on social media’, while Rugby Football Union has launched an investigation into alleged homophobic and racial abuse. There’s much work to do at home before we start bashing others abroad.

The above-mentioned double standards and hypocrisies over the Russian gay rights issue (which I agree is a big problem, which needs to be resolved over time, but not through blind outright confrontational condemnation) would be viewed by Russian people as a proof that gay rights are used as a political tool with which to delegitimize Russia’s government, thereby increasing Russian people’s distrust of the West and giving a boost to the popularity of Putin.

Most Russian people are familiar with Crimean history and know that when the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine voted to be independent, Crimean support was the lowest of all of the Ukraine (only 54% in favor) with very low turnout (65%). The following year the Crimean parliament voted in favour of a referendum, but it was forcefully suppressed by Kiev’s administration, as a New York Times article from 1992 testifies. Since then separatist activism in Crimea is well-evidenced on a historical timeline of the UN resources library, while Kiev suppressed Crimea’s constitutional right to self-determination for many years, including the unilateral stripping of the post of Crimean President in 1994.

The West’s “Russian annexation of Crimea” narrative totally ignores Crimean history and disrespects Crimean people’s right to self-determination, which was finally exercised during the Crimean referendum in March this year. Maidan’s nationalist rhetoric did not chime with most of Crimeans and the violent takeover of administrative buildings in Kiev was a major motivational factor in organising a referendum, in order to become free of the coup-installed Kiev regime as soon as possible. Russia, having its own economic and geopolitical reasons, has provided military support for the referendum to avoid a violent attack from Ukraine, which would have been inevitable as the Odessa massacre and the subsequent war in Donbass showed. Now that Crimeans have re-unified with Russia, most of them are happier than the Russians themselves – hardly an attitude of people who were ‘annexed against their will’. Russian people are aware of all of this and are undoubtedly happy with the firmness, decisiveness and efficiency of their leader on the Crimean issue, thus boosting his popularity even further.

Western media attempts to portray Russians as euphoric nationalists brainwashed by Kremlin propaganda, while spreading the culturally and historically ignorant narrative that “Russia annexed Crimea”, are often classic cases of propaganda in themselves (e.g. see my analysis of BBC’s Bridget Kendall’s article) and only strengthen Russian people’s views that they are being prejudiced against, making them more distrustful of the West and more fond of their protective leader. Russians would see sanctions, both post-Crimea and post-claim (before any investigation) that Russia downed MH17, for what they are: tools to weaken Russia economically, which appears to be part of a bigger open plan for US energy dominance in Europe. It’s no coincidence, that amongst some of the targets of the U.S. sanctions against Russia or Russian-linked companies, two were directly aimed at slowing down or stopping South Stream.

For the majority of the world, who follow mainstream western press and thereby believe that Putin is a new Hitler, who annexed Crimea and invaded Ukraine, the rise in Putin’s popularity and decreased propensity to protest, as evidenced by Levada poll results, might be frightening. For any westerner, who has done a little bit of research beyond the mainstream media, and for the Donbass civilians, who dissented against Kiev, and who are shelled and killed for initially only wanting federalization for their region, these widely-accepted stories of Russian invasion and Putin being a new Hitler are sometimes ridiculously funny, but often extremely frightening – frightening because they are a reminder that we live within a topsy-turvy world, where truth is found in what is called ‘propaganda’, where European leaders can openly state their intent to terrorise civilians into submission and where they  commit hideous war crimes with impunity without one western leader even so much as expressing one word of disapproval, while other nations, in this case Russia, who, despite having their own economic and geopolitical interests in Ukraine, are actually supporting and are trying to help the Donbass civilians, are blamed and sanctioned for it.

Last week in a candid address to Ukrainian nationalists in the Odessa Opera House, president Petro Poroshenko outlined how he is planning to win the war in East Ukraine:

“We (Ukraine) will have our jobs – they (Donbas) will not. We will have our pensions – they will not. We will have care for children, for people and retirees – they will not. Our children will go to schools and kindergartens… theirs will hole up in the basements. Because they are not able to do a thing. This is exactly how we will win this war!”

The chocolate oligarch, backed by Brussels and Washington, is not afraid anymore to openly admit that the Ukrainian Army is targeting civilian buildings on purpose and forcing Donbass people and children into basements, in order to intimidate the population into leaving the area or surrender. Last week there’s even been a direct attack on a maternity ward and the week before a mortar attack on school killed two school children.

While Kiev is always quick to blame ‘rebels’ for all such incidents (an absurd suggestion that Donbass self-defence forces, comprised largely from the local population, would try to kill their own children), Poroshenko’s speech confirms that these attacks are the deliberate war plan of the Ukrainian forces. The fact that indiscriminate shelling of civilian and public buildings is a war crime doesn’t seem to deter Poroshenko, who’s confident that with the EU and the US backing he can carry out this strategy with impunity.

Starting from the 15th November all dissenting eastern areas will not be protected by the European Convention on Human Rights anymore, as Poroshenko announced its suspension, citing a provision which allows some of the Convention’s articles to be derogated by a signatory “in time of war or other public emergency threatening the life of the nation.”  Officially only the right to life, the prohibition of torture and slavery, and the right not to be subjected to unlawful punishment will be respected (though shelling of civilians is a violation of these rights), while all the other rights including the right to liberty and security, the right to fair trial, right to respect for private and family life, will not be respected any more.

Article 15 was cited to justify the Ukrainian National Security and Defence Council issuing a decree, which ordered the closure of all state services, including schools, kindergartens, hospitals, emergency services and pensions, and withdrawal of all banking services for businesses and individuals over the next months. This is effectively an economic blockade, which will threaten life of  the local population during the difficult cold winter months. Local government called it an ‘act of genocide’. Poroshenko calls it ‘fighting for European values‘.

This article is by Vladimir Golstein, an Associate Professor of Slavic studies at Brown University. He was born in Moscow and emigrated to the United States in 1979.

If you intend to kill your opponents on a massive scale, don’t just arm your people with machetes, iron rods or AK47s and start killing. With photos of atrocities flooding the Internet, the world community might eventually stop and even punish you.

This old-fashion method of mass killing is hard to sell in today’s world of freedoms and individual rights. A much better way to succeed in mass violence is to connect your victims to Russia, by denouncing them as the enemies of freedom and democracy and by calling them Russian terrorists and puppets in the hands of the current leader of Russia, whom you should call Stalin incarnate. Hitler incarnate works as well, but since Hitler was the leader of Germany – the country that is currently at the forefront of democracy – that might confuse the issue. The new Stalin is a more effective label.

Once your enemies are associated with Russia and its evil leaders, you can explain to the West that your killings are necessary not because of your burning hatred for your victims, but because you want to embrace liberal values and join the EU, while it is those whom you kill who are the proponents of tyranny. Never forget to suggest that all your killings were provoked by Russia. Your western backers will surely add their authority to the blame. You can also imply that the territory vacated after your attacks can be used for a NATO base. To facilitate your efforts, it is important to enlist the help of some old Cold War warriors and neocons, such as Senator John McCain or Victoria Nuland, by explaining to them that the failures of your economy is the result of Russian sabotage. It is the remnants of their socialism that is destroying your country, and not your looting.

I also encourage you to find a Jewish person among your population, preferably someone with close ties to your regime; you can also export an adviser whose ancestors ran away from the Tsarist pogroms. This person should testify to The New York Times that your regime is very friendly to Jews, as opposed to your victims who still live by some primitive nationalistic values. That will score plenty of points with your neocon audience, who will in turn secure American supporting your fight against anti-Semitism. Calling your enemies“sexist”or“homophobic”can also boost your cause, but frankly, it would be overkill. Since your goal is to accomplish overkill on the streets of your towns, don’t waste all your energy on propaganda wars.

But make sure you enlist the help of some former dissidentsor political leaders from Eastern Europe. Their memories of being abused by the Evil Empire are so strong, that it would be easy to convince them that those who are laying on the streets, burned, shot, or chopped to death, were Russian agents, intent on perpetuating Soviet-style tyranny. The hard-worn moral authority of these allies will surely silence your critics.

The need to defend your country from the ever-expanding Russian Empire should always be on your lips. If someone points to the map and shows that Russia has actually shrunk since the Tsarist or Soviet days, tell them that this shrinking is one more proof that they are dreaming of restoring the days of old. Quoting their leader who spoke about the loss of the Soviet Union, as tragedy will surely help, as would the reference to some medieval monk, who proclaimed Russia to be the new Rome. And as you wipe off your bloody hands, recite Barry Goldwater’s saying: “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.”

Have the photograph of one of your soldiers in Russian uniform. That will be enough for the American journalists, raised on the stories of communist body-snatchers, to disseminate your stories of Russian threat. The ubiquitous presence of Russian infiltrators, exposed by Joe McCarthy, and proven beyond doubt by James Bond films, and the current TV series, The Americans, will make your fabrications more real than real life.

Being a mass murderer, you didn’t come to power by peaceful means, so some hard-nosed reporters might question your agenda, or demand the explanation for recent violence. Lecture them on the atrocities of Stalin, which surely dwarfs your own. If they persist and press you on the connection between Stalin and the violence that you’ve just unleashed upon your population, turn the tables and accuse them of being Kremlin apologists.

It is also important to establish museums where you can demonstrate the pictures of your victims, but label them as the victims of Stalinism (since Stalin happened to kill Christians, Muslims, Jews and everyone else in between, you’ll be believed). Having a lot of victims will make your case stronger, but in case you’ve been slacking, argue that victims’ unborn children should be included in the equation. Once you have a respectable number of victims and some doctored photographs, museums can be opened. Through these means, Ukrainians boosted the amount of Stalin’s victims to seven million, beating the Jewish victims of Holocaust, and demonstrating the diabolical power of Stalin and Communism.

It is important to groom the younger generation into their role of henchmen. The children should be subjected to the routine of dancing and singing in the manner of these teenagers from Western Ukraine, who are demonstrating their proper political credentials by reciting: “hang the Muscovite on the branch” (Moskaliauku na giliaku). If someone in the West finds it barbaric, explain that you are restoring ancient folklore from the remnants of culture wiped out by the Communists. And don’t forget to teach your kids to make Molotov cocktails. Burning is a very efficient and hygienic way of getting rid of your victims. But sometimes you can bomb them and let their relatives take care of them. But make sure that their coffins are painted in red, so that the whole world would see how you are dealing with the Red menace.

Had Saddam Hussein or Rwanda’s Hutus followed these instructions, their success would have been much higher, as they would have proceeded without interruption. But if, for some reason Russians decide to interfere, noticing that the West simply sits on the fence debating whether your current rate of killing fits the definition of genocide, pronounce triumphantly: I told you so. But you might as well succeed, since Russians will be too bogged down in their own backyard to come to the rescue.

With NATO and economic packages behind you, you can continue for years to come. When you eventually die, or rather drink yourself to death, as the ghosts of all those whom you recklessly and cruelly destroyed would make your conscious life too painful, you’ll end up in the anticommunist heaven. You’ll be greeted by Mr. Joe McCarthy, who will accuse you in being too soft on Communism and thus manifesting some latent Russian sympathies. You’ll be interrogated and humiliated, your words will be twisted, since McCarthy will surely find one Russian sympathizer among your population whom you failed to destroy. What Senator McCarthy’s verdict will be is beyond my expertise to say, but you can be rest assured that 50 years later somewhere in the free world, there will be a monument erected in your honor, for the glorious contributions in your fight against Russian Communism.

This article was originally appeared on RT. Republished with permission from Vladimir Golstein @VGolstein

 

Other articles by Vladimit Golstein:

Russia-InsiderUkraine’s Descent into Fascism and How the West Turns a Blind Eye

The NationWestern Media Coverage of the Ukraine Crisis is as Distorted as Soviet Propaganda

AlterNetObama’s Cold War Rhetoric is Outdated – And Masks Ukraine’s Real Crises

Forbes: Why everything you’ve read about Ukraine is false

Al JazeeraMarx’s last stand: Eastern Ukraine 

Anti-war.com Crimea: Whose War Is It? 

 

The world is undergoing (yet another) crisis of globalisation. One superpower is opposing the global dominance of another on the territory of an unfortunate nation, which happens to be a country I was born in – Ukraine. As my homeland’s soil is bathed with blood, becoming yet another case study on the fragility of nation-states, a relatively new concept in the history of humanity. Very possibly, given the way things are going, the nation-state may not even be that long-lasting. The rise of fascism in Ukraine with crowds shouting slogans “Ukraine – above all else”, while Kiev’s government shells Donbass civilians, who stood up against a coup-installed regime, urges us to reconsider “the sanctity” of the nation-state, especially when it is used to destroy humans rather than serve their interests. It might seem irreverent to talk about the philosophical implications of the Ukrainian war, as people are still dying daily, but it’s something which needs to be addressed sooner rather than later, especially if the East of the country continues its efforts to separate.

An exhibition which interested me immensely was a great introduction into a subject that I was not that aware of before –  the rise and fall of micronations.  The existence of these ‘country projects’ around the world, even if not recognised by other nations, still makes us question the concept of the nation-state by inviting us to think of alternative ways of self-organising our human social relations which inevitably result in varying degrees of seriousness and success.

From the early 19th century, some brave (or mad, depending on how you want to see them) individuals or groups, decided to challenge the circumstances they found themselves in and set up their own ‘sovereign states’ with their own ‘government institutions’, official symbols like flags, passports, postage stamps, coins and medals, their own citizens and sometimes even their own territories. The exhibition titled “What is to come has already arrived”, gave a short intro to some of these micro-nations.

It’s fascinating to see the wide range of reasons that moved people to undertake these ‘nation-building’ projects: political art statements (Yoko Ono’s and John Lennon’s Nutopia); seeking independence from imperial states a-la Catalonia and Scotland (the Republic of Ryukyu on Okinawa Island, which was a US military base); alleged fraudulent claims (The Kingdom of EnenKio on US unincorporated territory of Wake island); attempts at alternative governments (Republic of Georgia, USA); indigenous people fight against colonialism (The Mapuche Nation in South America); teenage expression and entertainment (The Kingdom of Bannesled – teenage bedroom ‘separated’ from Canada); intellectual experiments or exercises (The Kingdom of Elleore on the Danish Island of ZealandThe Principality of Nova Arcadia); social,economic and political simulation (Christiania in Copenhagen); Ilois people of Diego Garcia against US military imperialism; Facebook cybernaut experiment (with regards to the Perejil Island); an act of self-aggrandisement (The Principality of Trinidad on uninhabited Trindade and Martim Vaz); “an extremely sophisticated nation-state experiment” of “secular humanist utopia” and “pluralist, progressive lobby group” in New South Wales, Australia ( The Empire of Atlantium); artistic political resistance (Ladonia in Sweden); an act of personal imagination and entertainment (The Aerican Empire); sovereign states as works of art (The Kingdoms of Elgaland-Vargaland), culturally-focused eco-tourism boosters (privately-owned Naminara Republic in South Korea); Native American independence movements (Republic of Lakotah); the political movement for proposed US state of Jefferson; “hobby, which has been pushed to the nth degree” (home-made Republic of Molossia); historical anomalies (The Principality of Seborga in Northern Italy), self-sustaining commune Fusa in Norway; inspiration, spiritual, artistic, conceptual projects (Evrugo Mental State in Barcelona); non-territorial political social experiments (Republic of Anodyne); “home for the impoverished and prosecuted of Europe” (The Kingdom of Humanity in the Spartly Islands); aspiring states off the coast of Britain (Principality of Sealand); concept model-nations ( The New United States of America); an art project (The State of Sabotage); vehicles for tourist agenda promotion (The Conch Republic in Florida, USA); political simulations (The Kingdom of Talossa); artistic political ecological projects (Freestate of AVL-Ville in Rotterdam); ecological campaigns to save glaciers (The Glacier Republic); aspirational state Kirpikistan; an act of political activism against an oppressive Nigerian government (Kalakuta Republic).

The exhibition is in Centro Andaluz de Arte Contemporaneo until 9th November 2014. The site itself, the old Monastery of Santa Maria de Las Cuevas in Seville, is very unique and appropriate – a Franciscan Monastery (where Christopher Columbus worked, lived and was temporarily buried), which was used as barracks during the Napoleonic invasion. Monks eventually returned, but then abandoned the monastery in 1836. Charles Pickman bought it in 1841 and turned it into a Ceramics factory, which functioned until 1964, when the Andalusian government purchased it and declared it a national monument. It was restored for Expo 1992 and became a museum of contemporary art in 1997. A fascinating building with architectural influences of Mudejar, Gothic, Renaissance and Baroque, featuring some stunning ceramics, is surrounded by very pleasant peaceful gardens with olive, lemon, pomelo and orange trees.

Below are photos from the exhibition, where short summaries of these micro-nations are followed by their flags.

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A day after winning the Nobel Peace Prize, Kailash Satyarthi, in an interview with RIA News, urged the Ukrainian government to protect Ukrainian citizens and especially children: “It is the responsibility of the Ukrainian government to save their citizens, particularly children. Safety of children will be their utmost priority. I will appeal to the Ukrainian government so as to ensure that such incidents against children will not occur in future.”

According to the recent UN report as many as 3,660 people have been killed and over 8,756 have been wounded in Donbass since Kiev launched its military operation in April. Even though a ceasefire was announced on September 5th, more than 330 people have died since, including 20 children. UNICEF stated that at least 35 children have been killed in the Ukrainian conflict and 87 have been wounded.

Human Rights Watch already called on Ukraine’s international supporters to “urge the Ukrainian government to strictly adhere to international humanitarian law, including by ending all use of Grad rockets in populated areas by Ukraine’s army”. Amnesty International also urged the Ukrainian government to “stop abuses and war crimes by volunteer battalions operating alongside regular Ukrainian armed forces”, such as Aidar. All these appeals, urges and calls are likely to remain voices in the wilderness.

Firstly, Kiev repeatedly denies responsibility for war crimes, even when it’s proved by independent observers that the Ukrainian Army has carried out the atrocities, e.g. OSCE confirmed that on June 2nd the Ukrainian air force bombed a public building in Lugansk , killing 8 civilians – Kiev claimed separatists mishandled a portable anti-aircraft missile system.

Secondly, even though the government keeps blaming ‘the rebels’, they don’t seem to be that motivated when it comes to investigating these crimes. Moreover, even international organisations seem to not be that keen on uncovering any new atrocities. For example, the UN promised to investigate reports of mass graves in areas near Donetsk, which were controlled by the Ukrainian Army, but when the report came out the issue of mass graves was intentionally omitted.

Thirdly, after this week’s Reuters’ special report about flaws found in Ukraine’s probe of the Maidan massacre, there are plenty of reasons to believe that even if Kiev decided to carry out investigations of crimes, they are unlikely to be unbiased and fair. There was a lot of pressure from Maidan activists to investigate the February killings of 100 protesters, which the new leaders were quick to blame on Berkut (special forces) police. They even arrested three suspects. However, Reuters discovered some remarkable blunders:

“Among the evidence presented against Sadovnyk (one of the arrested suspects) was a photograph. Prosecutors say it shows him near Kiev’s Independence Square on Feb. 20, wearing a mask and holding a rifle with two hands, his fingers clearly visible. The problem: Sadovnyk doesn’t have two hands. His right hand, his wife told Reuters, was blown off by a grenade in a training accident six years ago.”

Another huge problem uncovered by Reuters was that

“The two prosecutors and a government minister who have led the Maidan shooting probes all played roles in supporting the uprising. One of these officials told Reuters that the investigators gathering the evidence are completely independent.”

And also:

“the former acting general prosecutor who oversaw the arrests of the three Berkut officers declared on television that they “have already been shown to be guilty.” That statement, said legal experts, could prejudice the cases. Ukraine is a party to the European Convention on Human Rights, which states that criminal defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty.”

Needless to say, to date no one has been apprehended in the shooting of Berkut policemen. Between 18th and 20th February, 189 of them suffered gunshot wounds and 13 died.

In such a context, all the 3,360 dead Eastern Ukrainians and their families, including the victims of the Odessa massacre, can expect similar justice from the Ukrainian government. It is clear that without pressure from the international community and other organisations, Kiev’s regime is neither going to stop the Ukrainian Army and other battalions from committing war crimes, nor is it going to investigate them.

Undoubtedly, all involved would make more effort to not commit atrocities, like targeting schools, if there was a serious risk of being indicted for war crimes from a recognised tribunal, but even the International Criminal Court (ICC) ignored the people who died from sniper shootings on Maidan, the Odessa massacre victims, and other civilians who died from indiscriminate shelling.

Russia is the only country, who is taking active steps towards bringing justice to East Ukrainian victims. Moscow has called on the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to take responsibility for investigations into crimes committed in Ukraine. The Public Chamber of the Russian Federation filed 30 petitions in EHCR over war crimes in Ukraine and will file several hundred more by the end of the year. Ten petitions were already declined.

Finally, as human rights lawyer, attorney and member of the International Criminal Bar Dr. Jonathan Levy wrote in his independent legal analysis: Novorossiya itself ‘must bring Kiev’s war criminals to justice’. According to him, whether we like it or not, ‘under international law, Novorossiya has the same status as any other member of the community nations – it is a sovereign independent nation.’ He explains:

“The “gold standard” of statehood is the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States enacted in 1933… [It] requires an aspiring state to have its own territory, population, a functioning government and the ability to enter into relationships with other states. Novorossiya…has maintained an undisputed presence in Lugansk and Donetsk backed up by a seasoned army and security forces. There is a sizeable population…There is a functioning government and diplomatic efforts are ongoing as evidenced by the Minsk process. In a just and fair world then Novorossiya would be welcomed into the fold of sovereign nations as its newest member.”

Dr. Jonathan Levy argues that Novorossiya itself ‘as a sovereign state must seize the initiative.’ In a ‘just and fair world’ one would hope that international organisations tasked with enforcing human rights, such as ICC, the UN, the EHCR, and the Council of Europe would not completely abandon their responsibilities to the people of Novorossiya and would make sure that the guilty are eventually brought to justice. However, the world is not ideal and, alongside murky investigations of the MH17 downing, East Ukrainians should also not expect to see justice from the existing international organisations.

Even if this may seem a long shot, Dr.Levy proposes an interesting radical alternative – that Novorossiya sets up its very own International Tribunal and gives it independence to act in lieu of the UN, ICC, and Council of Europe, giving a chance to lawyers and jurists from around the world, who seek to advance the cause of justice, to participate using the Internet and other technologies. He argues, that “it is international participation and support that will give the proposed tribunal substance”.

If this ever happens, it will be a remarkable step towards creating a real international civic society with its own justice system, powered by modern technology (more details here), which would be independent of international leaders and their lackey organisations, which so far showed little signs of being concerned about bringing justice for killed East Ukrainian civilians.

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